President Trump this week announced he’d postpone US strikes on Iranian energy infrastructure to give time to negotiate a cease-fire.

“I think it could very well end up being a very good deal for everybody,” he told journalists.

It’s not entirely clear whom exactly the White House is bargaining with, or whether those officials will have the power to implement an agreement.

We do, however, know what a “good deal” looks like, which is, more or less, everything former President Barack Obama’s Iran deal wasn’t.

A popular talking point among left-wing punditry maintains that the off-ramp Trump is seeking for his allegedly unpopular and failed war looks exactly like the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.

That’s the deal Obama struck with the mullahs years ago, which Trump ripped up in 2018.

But it’s clearly untrue.

The Obama deal’s restrictions, as feeble as they were, would have sunsetted by now.

Under the JCPOA, Iran was not only allowed to continue uranium enrichment — it wasn’t compelled to decommission any of its reactors.

Nor did the Obama deal put any limits on the Iranian ballistic missile program, not even on intercontinental ballistic missiles that could carry nuclear warheads.

Incidentally, though the regime has claimed it had no plans to develop such weaponry, the other day it fired a missile at the joint UK-US Diego Garcia military base, 2,500 miles away in the Indian Ocean.

Of course, there was no genuine way to verify that any of the JCPOA’s stipulations were being met by the clerics, since the agreement didn’t contain anytime-anywhere inspections.

And the Obama deal was worse than nothing, because it gave the regime protection from Israeli strikes.

The clerics could act with impunity, benefiting from sanctions relief — not to mention, more ransom payments from Democratic presidents — all the while funding their destabilizing proxy armies, building a ballistic shield and shrinking the breakout time for large-scale enrichment and nuke weaponization to months or weeks.

A decade ago, Trump called the JCPOA the “worst deal ever negotiated.”

But I suppose it all depends on how you view the Middle East.

If the goal of the JCPOA was to stop the clerics from nuclearizing and emerging as an even bigger threat to regional and world peace, then, indeed, the deal was disastrous.

Then again, if the deal was, as many rightly suspect, the Obama administration’s way of empowering the mullahs as a counter-force to Israel and Saudi Arabia, then it made complete sense.

Democrats and the naysayers of the isolationist right have been wrong about everything having to do with Iran thus far.

So they’ve moved on from predicting World War III and endless quagmires to lamenting the lack of a clear-cut “strategy” to ending the conflict.

But Trump’s reported prewar demands of Iran remain the right ones.

And they are nothing like Obama’s Iran deal.

The president should insist that the regime once and for all dismantle its nuclear facilities in Natanz, Isfahan and Fordow and hand over its existing stockpiles of enriched uranium, which the Iranians reportedly admitted to Trump envoy Steve Witkoff could make 11 bombs.

Iran, after all, is already a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, pledging never to acquire nuclear weapons.

Trump should also insist the clerics suspend their ballistic missile program and cease funding and assisting terrorist organizations.

Since the mullahs have used negotiations to string along past administrations and extract concessions, sanctions relief should be contingent on Iran upholding its end of the agreement.

Despite the media’s demoralizing efforts, the United States and the Iranian regime aren’t negotiating on equal footing.

It bears repeating that, thus far, the Iran war is perhaps the most devastating and effective military campaign in modern history.

At worst, the US and Israel have decapitated decades of the Islamic regime’s institutional knowledge and experience.

The Iranian ballistic program has been vastly degraded, as has Iran’s ability to wage effective conventional war or to prop up its proxy militias.

Iran’s only real leverage right now is to undermine the world’s economy by closing the Strait of Hormuz, which only reinforces the argument that it should not possess ballistic missile programs, Chinese supersonic weapons and nukes.

If the remaining regime officials don’t agree to stop, Trump can keep pounding their military and government infrastructure until he reaches a tier of leadership that will talk.

Or better yet, until it collapses.

With a high-impact, low-casualty war, Trump has devastated our enemy’s military and brought back credible deterrence.

War is no panacea, of course.

Unlike anything in the JCPOA, however, those would be big, tangible wins.

David Harsanyi is a senior writer at the Washington Examiner. X: @davidharsanyi